Like Pulling Teeth

 

Recently, I made a request for access to the Attorney-Generals Department for draft legislation which was refused because it would not be in the public interest to release such information. It was covered fairly comprehensively by Delimiter & The Sydney Morning Herald, the refusal to release advice, preparatory materials and other information was roundly condemned. Similar efforts to make material available by the Australian Greens, strengthened by their access to parliamentary processes were shut down as the major parties colluded to shut down access.

Now begins the long process of asking for a review via the Office of the Australian Information Commissioner(OAIC), and fighting for the documentation to be released [PR]. The text of the appeal is below. I’m informed by the OAIC that there is a huge backlog of appeals for review, meaning it could be months before the process even begins and a case officer is assigned.

This is a situation the Attorney General’s Department is fully aware of. Any request for internal review, would surely fail, simply because of the organisational confirmation bias and they know there is significant lag at the OAIC. The AGD are fully aware of the political sensitivity of the issue and the legislative changes they’ve sought, but are gaming the freedom of information process to strategically delay or preclude public scrutiny and debate. The process of actually bringing government bureaucracies into the 21st century, and acting in accordance with platitudes of ‘Open Government’ really is like pulling teeth.

 

“Fuck you, this is my culture.” — Amelia Anderstotter

Amelia shows her brilliance in this moving speech to the Internet Governance Forum, in Baku, Azerbaijan. Well worth having a read/listen to.

Amelia’s speech in the opening of Internet Governance Forum, Baku 2012

AMELIA ANDERSDOTTER:  Thank you, Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, participants of the Internet Governance Forum 2012.  My name is Amelia Andersdotter.  I am a member of the European Parliament on behalf of the Swedish Piratpartiet since December 2011.  I am mindful of the fact that I am one of only two women speaking in the opening session.  Also, I am probably the youngest person speaking.  I am only 25 years old.

The Piratpartiet wants to change the legislative framework for communication, interaction, innovation and culture.  We formed around the idea that communication technologies and culture present fantastic ways of building broad global communities.

We want interactions, social, cultural and economical to be determined and under the control of the people interacting.

When information, communication and culture can be freely accessible and used, which on the internet is basically always the case, this should be allowed and any exceptions or deviations to that general rule must be kept exceptional.

Unfortunately, laws at both nation state level and the international level are very ill‑equipped to achieve these goals.  Direct interventions by nation states into communication and cultural flows of their citizens are ubiquitous in the world.

More insidious are the restrictions on communications imposed on users by private network operators or intellectual property rights holders.  We hear words like “freedom of speech” and “Human Rights must be respected online” but actually so far very few top political figures in the world have acknowledged, or are willing to acknowledge, that this will require regulatory intervention on some private sectors and also letting go of some of the regulatory hinders that we’re currently putting in place to block communications between people.

It is clear to me both at the personal and at the political level that we need to fundamentally reconsider our approach to communication.  We need communication to be open and accessible.  This is how we make friendships, it is how we make societies, it is how we form words.

The control over communities and the ability to shape them must be with the communities themselves.  Infrastructure must be regulated to enable that ability and such autonomy.

The raw material for cultural identities, the culture itself, must be made more accessible than is currently the case.  Copyright is not only an untimely instrument for the 21st century, it is doing active harm to culture and to communities around the world.

During one of my travels this summer I met a young man who told me with a straight face that he liked open torrent trackers because he wants to be able to see the unpopular files.  I want to see the unpopular files.  I want to see the unpopular torrents and I want to live in a world where a social network, a community on its own initiative preserves the cultural wealth through the spontaneous contribution of all its members.  All of the changes that are needed in our laws to ensure that these communities can exist must be undertaken and now.

To all of you here and to all of the Governments and to the public officials and lobbyists that haven’t been able to bring themselves to support these actually very extensive reforms that are necessary for these places and creative communities to exist, I would like to paraphrase George Michael from I think 1992, “fuck you, this is my culture and if copyright or telecommunications operators are standing in the way, I think they should go.”  Thank you.

Mandatory Data Retention Irreconcilable with Fundamental Human Rights

Revisiting our submission to a previous inquiry into privacy, I think it has a very good section on data retention and some of the other proposals currently being considered in the National Security Inquiry.

Data Retention

Last month it was revealed that the Federal Government Attorney-General’s Department had been for some time considering the implementation of a legislatively mandated telecommunications data retention regime in Australia[1] and had been approaching Internet Service Providers (ISPs) with respect to the extent to which data could be retained. The compulsory standard to which the Department has signaled it was investigating equivalency with was the European Data Retention Directive.[2]

Due to the opacity of government enquiries,[3] and an as yet incomplete Australian proposal, this submission will concern itself with the possible implementation of a data retention proposal similar to the European model.

The European model which was brought into being after the perception of vulnerability following attacks in New York and Washington in September 2001, the Madrid train bombings in March 2004 and July 2005 London Bombings,[4] represents a shift towards an empowerment of law enforcement, beyond a tolerable level of interference with which citizens should be expected to oblige.[5]

Whilst the populace demand security, and politicians often engage in providing an illusion of security by extension of surveillance powers, increases in surveillance does not reduce crime.[6] What increased surveillance does do is intrude upon the privacy of innocents. There is no evidence whatsoever that data retention or increased surveillance has had any beneficial effect.

Human Rights & Data Retention

As the world progresses towards an information-oriented society an increasing degree of our social interaction occurs via telecommunication networks.

Socially, culturally, economically — we conduct our lives on these networks. We consult our lawyers; perhaps we consult a crisis line[7] or seek assistance from drug-counseling websites. The world economy depends on the Internet; everyday business is conducted over the Internet, with highly sensitive and confidential data being transmitted.

The widespread adoption and use of the Internet raises a relatively unanticipated potential for surveillance — dystopic scenarios of ‘Big Brother’ increasingly become more probable, due to the relative ease for centralised recording of all content and traffic data on the Internet. The same rhetoric used with the introduction of CCTV surveillance cameras is being used to justify the introduction of data retention, with an equal lack of evidence.

In face of opposition to retention of transmitted content, proponents of data retention laws propose to retain meta data – information about the content being transmitted rather than the content it self. However meta/traffic data is not, and should not be considered to be less invasive than content data, and should be afforded the same legal protections. Meta data may in fact require more stringent legal protection — it can be more effectively processed, and analysed automatically. When combined with other data, specific patterns, can be searched for then sorted to certain criteria, all of which is unachievable with content data — and this can be used to decipher and intrusively deduce a wide variety of information about an individual — analysis can reveal a ‘person’s political, financial, sexual, religious stance or other interests.’[8] However this analysis is not foolproof, and will lead to erroneous incrimination or suspicion. Fishing expeditions by law enforcement present problems, and there is also the issue that traffic data sometimes cannot be linked to a single individual, in that often affects a number of different users simultaneously.[9]

With data retention laws, the typical understanding of law enforcement takes on a new dimension, and the ability to track citizens far exceeds what we traditionally understand of the powers granted to law enforcement. Access to such a wide variety of data, by law enforcement and government officials, especially in secrecy, can and will be abused. Furthermore, the government in its enthusiasm for surveillance, could not adequately ensure that all data retained would not be at risk to abuse from third parties — either by malicious access to vast databases, or unauthorised misuse of traffic data. Prominent individuals for instance, or even politicians may be compromised, forced to resign or even blackmailed.

In addition to the issues regarding the invasion of privacy and abuse, there is the issue of cost. Any data retention scheme will have significant costs associated, whilst providing no commercial benefit to the CSP. CSPs must make substantial initial investments in infrastructure, staff and process development with ongoing operational costs, for instance maintenance and staff providing retrieval, verification and advice services to law enforcement — costs which must either be subsidised by the government itself, with marginal costs borne by telecommunication providers or the entire cost of compliance to be borne by telecommunications provider, which inevitably means increased costs for consumers, and significant cost burden on the CSP. If the government does initially sponsor such retention, history does show this situation is only temporary, eventually these costs become recognised as simply part of ‘doing business’ and costs of compliance — the inevitability of cutting corners with respect to security and integrity would then become a significant concern. After all, this data retained is of no use to CSPs.

It is important here, in determining whether blanket retention is justifiable, to distinguish between different approaches to data retention — that is, the difference between the mass, wide-scale, dragnet retention of data and targeted personal surveillance — surveillance or monitoring of an identified person, for specific reason, sanctioned by judicial warrant.[10]

Whilst the latter (with judicial oversight) is acceptable and necessary for the purpose of pursuing legitimate criminal investigation, the other creates unnecessary suspicion, fear and distrust. This has a ‘chilling effect’ on public discourse — a threat to open communication, to political activity. It also means that consumers may refrain from participating in legitimate and and lawful discussion and transactions in fear that these transactions may be logged and retained for years, potentially to be used against them. Indiscriminate retention is incompatible with human rights and for this purpose cannot be considered legal or legitimate.

It should be noted that it is an arms race between those who implement surveillance, and those who seek to avoid it. Where active surveillance is prominent, it encourages the use of counter-surveillance technologies and methods to help in retaining anonymity and the privacy of communication — this inevitably makes the job of legitimate law enforcement activity much more difficult and costly. People are already familiar with technologies such as Virtual Private Networks (VPNs), simply using HTTPS, or any protocols that support encryption achieve some of these aims. With IPv6 being deployed in coming years, encryption will become an integral party of Internet traffic.

The question is then, for what purposes can such data be used for by law enforcement, should it be retained. Of course, the prevention and investigation of serious criminal activity are the usual stated purposes of data retention regimes — however what serious criminal activity actually is, can often vary according to perspective. Without doubt, terrorist activity or the distribution of child sex abuse material are serious criminal activities, but will this also include other ‘cybercrime’[11] for instance copyright infringement?

The Cybercrime Convention

The debate in Australia surrounding retention of data began in the late 1990s, with the development of the Council of Europe Cybercrime Convention[12] (the ‘Convention’) — a treaty that although providing with the best of intentions a greater fluidity to cross-border law enforcement and co-operations, has serious flaws that do not adequately protect civil liberties and privacy to counterbalance potential abuses by law enforcement and government, that detracts from these ‘good intentions’.

The Convention grants law enforcement agencies power for direct access to entire ISP networks, effectively mandating mass surveillance — eaves dropping, interception of private email and any other communication, with insufficient specification in the way of strict procedural safeguards and limitations. Although this may not be a issue for nations with substantial protections, the agreement is being touted as a global standard, after the UN process to establish an International Cybercrime Treaty that adequately respected the centrality of human rights and the necessary safeguards[13] for any criminal justice system, failed.

There are significant concerns, especially regarding the authorisation and implementation of invasive surveillance regimes [like Carnivore, the FBI ‘internet tapping’ system,[14] now replaced by NarusInsight and rebranded as a slightly more benign ‘Digital Collection System’,] which is used for mass surveillance and monitoring of Internet communications in real-time within the US, the use of which was subject to court proceedings, in a class action lawsuit led by the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF).[15]

Should a data retention scheme ever be implemented, its expansion will be inevitable. The government cannot guarantee, that should it even implement a system with significant protections, that a subsequent government would not amend these safeguards or expand the scope of data retained. We already see the expansion of the European directive for Internet searching history,[16] how long is it before significantly more draconian measures are demanded, for instance the presentation and recording of identification at telephone booths, Internet cafes and wireless hot spots because the current retention regime is ‘incomplete’, and may be evaded? To pursue mass surveillance and retention of all telecommunications traffic data is to begin the journey down this path.


[1] Ben Grubb, ‘Inside Australia’s data retention proposal’ ZDNet 16 June 2010 <http://www.zdnet.com.au/inside-australia-s-data-retention-proposal-339303862.htm> at July 21 2010.

[2] Directive 2006/24/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 15 March 2006 on the retention of data generated or processed in connection with the provision of publicly available electronic communications networks and amending Directive 2002/58/EC [2006] OJ L 105/54

[3] The Attorney General’s Department is refusing to release documentation as to what it has asked of ISPs in it’s enquiries, citing ‘unnecessary debate and could potentially prejudice and impede government decision making‘ — this is entirely unacceptable for a debate on an issue that potentially will unjustifiably and en masse, invade the privacy of the majority of Australians. The debate on data retention should be open, transparent and evidenced based;  Ben Grubb, ‘No Minister: 90% of web snoop document censored to stop ‘premature unnecessary debate’ The Sydney Morning Herald, 23 July 2010 <http://www.smh.com.au/technology/technology-news/no-minister-90-of-web-snoop-document-censored-to-stop–premature-unnecessary-debate-20100722-10mxo.html> at 23 July 2010.

[4] In Australia, particular pressure has also come from bombings in Bali in October 2002 and October 2005.

[5] It also curious, that Europe in leading the way with the regulation of transaction logs within the Information Society with the establishment of data privacy regime that limited the collection, processing, retention and access to this information, had then implemented the legislative architecture for mass surveillance, despite significant public opposition and little evidence based justification.

[6] Martin Gill and Angela Spriggs, ‘Assessing the impact of CCTV’ Home Office Research Study 292 (2005) <http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.102.7998&rep=rep1&type=pdf> at 21 July 2010.

[7] For instance, the NSW Health Department supports a non-profit Rape Crisis Centre; <http://www.nswrapecrisis.com.au/About%20Us.htm> at 21 July 2010.

[8] Patrick Breyer, ‘Telecommunications Data Retention and Human Rights: The Compatibility of Blanket Data Retention with ECHR’ European Law Journal 11(3) 3 May 2005, 365-375.

[9] Ibid.

[10] Except for exceptions created within, for instance, the Telecommunications (Interception Act) 1979 for the domestic Australian Secret Intelligence Organisation (ASIO).

[11] For instance in the Council of Europe Cybercrime Convention the inclusion of ‘copyright infringement’ is quite curious — whilst many nations may be a signatory and already have complied with Article 61 of the Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), nations that may accede to this agreement may not have. Copyright is far from stable, and should not be included within such agreements. It comes as little surprise that groups like the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) welcomed the agreement.

[12] Council of Europe Convention on Cybercrime, opened for signature 23 November 2001 CETS 185.

[13] In compliance with the Resolution adopted by the General Assembly on the report of the Third Committee (A/55/593) 55/63 Combating the criminal misuse of information technologies that “[t]he fight against the criminal misuse of information technologies requires the development of solutions taking into account both the protection of individual freedoms and privacy and the preservation of the capacity of Governments to fight such criminal misuse”.

[14] American Civil Liberties Union ‘The Seven Reasons Why The Senate Should Reject The International Cybercrime Treaty’ 18 December 2003 <http://www.aclu.org/technology-and-liberty/seven-reasons-us-should-reject-international-cybercrime-treaty> at 21 July 2010.

[16] Written Declaration 29, Rule 123 of the Rules of Procedure on setting up a European early warning system (EWS) for paedophiles and sex offenders; Christian Engström, ‘Written declaration 29, for data retention of Internet searches’ 31 May 2010 <http://christianengstrom.wordpress.com/2010/05/31/written-declaration-29-for-data-retention-of-internet-searches/> at 21 July 2010.

 

Some great new posters for #FNF2012

Some great posters by Sam Clarke for the upcoming Freedom Not Fear 2012 action in Hyde Park in Sydney on September 15. Shaping up to be a fun day!

Victories Against ACTA in the EU as Final Vote Looms

First published here.

In the last week we have seen four important votes as various committees in the European Parliament consider the merits of the controversial Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement.

In what can be considered four important victories against the agreement, the Committee on Industry, Research and Energy (ITRE), the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE), the Committee on Legal Affairs (JURI) and the Committee on Development (DEVE) all voted to recommend to the Committee on International Trade (INTA) that the European Parliament withhold consent to ACTA.

Whilst there are important votes approaching on June 20, where INTA will decide its recommendation to the European Parliament as it digests the ITRE, LIBE, JURI and DEVE recommendations and adds it’s own to the mix, the Australian Parliament’s Joint Standing Committee on Treaties (JSCOT) is currently considering the ACTA text. It’s report into the agreement is expected in late June, or early July.

The following is a supplementary submission to JSCOT, providing a distilled version of events in Europe in the hope the Committee considers those events in Europe in its final report, hopefully condemning the opaque process, the blunt and reckless signing of ACTA by the Department of Foreign Affairs & Trade, where a more considered sectoral approach should have been considered, one that respected fundamental freedoms like privacy, the freedom of expression and was aware of the need for fundamental and structural reform.

Reclaim Democracy, Defeat ACTA

As Europe erupts in protest following protests in Poland at the opaque and undemocratic accession to ACTA, Australians have been asking, what can we do?

La Quadrature ACTA Campaign Image

 

Australia continues to be part of the so called ‘Coalition of the Willing’, aiming to circumvent international fora in order to cement a more rigid and expansive enforcement regime like the one imposed in the AUSFTA, across the globe.

Treaty making and accession is largely the job of government, there is no constitutional requirement for parliamentary oversight, although as the document explains, the 1996 reforms went a little way to providing at least some parliamentary scrutiny. This really doesn’t help, because at the most formative stages, where it is imperative that the concerns of the public are included, diplomatic secrecy is still very much the default. Whilst insisting that openness, transparency, inclusiveness are paramount, these are generally empty platitudes. There are perhaps sensitive moments where some confidentiality is necessary for diplomats to be candid (and even this is debatable in the dawning of the transparent society) the negotiation and development of a copyright treaty, is not one of those moments. ACTA may begin to raise awareness of the relationship between the people and their government more broadly, and how the two interact and the levels of secrecy and information withheld from them.

At the very least, ACTA is where we must draw the line and reject the circumvention of democracy. It was only due to successive leaks and pressure brought to bear on governments and diplomats by NGOs, academics and political parties that ACTA became a shadow of its monstrous first drafts.

DFAT, however, continues to say “ACTA doesn’t mean any change for Australia”, but it does. It cements bad laws that DFAT allowed the US to impose on Australia via the AUSFTA, and when a belligerent industry is desperately clinging to it, something must be up.

In Australia, ACTA is currently under review by the Joint Senate Committee. It has been signed, but binding action has not been taken. Although the date for submissions have passed, you may still be able sneak a submission if the Committee Secretariat allow it, but otherwise, target the members of the Committee. All Australian citizens that are willing to act can let them know. Write to them. Tweet them. Call their office. Engage with them. Let them know, that you as an Australian citizen, do not stand for policy laundering and the circumvention of democracy by corporate interests. Any opposition we generate, fuels the fight in the EU. Reclaim democracy.

 

Australia’s Last Chance to Defeat ACTA

This article has been published at the ABC.

Today we saw thousands take to the streets in Poland in what has become an ongoing protest, the European Parliament’s rapporteur of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement resign in disgust at the ACTA charade, the exclusionary and opaque process. We also saw the passing of what is possibly the last opportunity for Australians to stop the ACTA agreement cementing the expansive changes to laws in Australia imposed via the Australian United States Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA).

There is some debate as to whether there will be any substantive change for Australia, i.e. are we going to have to change our laws? It certainly cements the already draconian laws we have, providing an environment for stricter enforcement and for an expansion of an already bad system, but that is not the biggest issue with ACTA.

The biggest issue is the secrecy in which the agreement was forged. The exclusion of civil society, consumer and civil liberties groups in formative stages, where a belligerent industry intent on disingenuously conflating issues like file sharing with counterfeiting were given open and unfettered access.

ACTA is an example of legislative negligence and a total disregard for evidence in policy making in Australia. Despite the Productivity Commission proclaiming that Australia should be seeking to exclude IP from bilateral and regional trade negotiations because of the obviously damaging changes to Australian law imposed by the AUSFTA, here is DFAT negotiating an agreement that entrenches those bad laws, just as it continues to include those bad laws in the Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA). When queried, there is no study or economic assessment that supports the expansion or stricter enforcement of copyright and patents in Australia, except of course for untrustworthy industry research, manufactured to elicit legislative change by deception.

These sentiments, and others, were expressed in the Pirate Party’s submission to the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties. Although the due date has passed, Committee Secretaries are usually more than willing to accept late submissions. Make noise.

 

Props should go to @OlbrychtPalmer, @piecritic and @akfru for their work in the submission.